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MISSOURI SOCIETY 
1905. 

Prize IDedal Essay Contest 

BY THE 

High School Scholars and Schools of Equal Grade 

OF THE 

STATE OF MISSOURI. 
SUBJECTj 

**Torcic|n Svmpatby in the Ular of tbc Revolution/' 



The First Prize, a Gold Medal, awarded to 
CLEO HUFFAKER, of Lexington High School, Lexington. 

The Second Prize, a Silver Medal, awarded to 
EARLE BO^X/'ERS, of Central High School, Kansas City. 

The Third Prize, a Bronze Medal, awarded to 
MISS FLORENCE RUSSUM, of Carthage High School, Carthage. 



Honorable Mention awarded to 

MISS ELIZABETH NOFSINGER, Manual Training- School, Kansas City. 
MISS ELIZABETH MOISE, Central High School, Kansas City. 
MISS MARGIE CRAWFORD, St. Joseph High School, St. Joseph. 



PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY. 



BETHANY: 

BETHANY PRINTING COMPANY. 

1905. 



.St 



Gift 
Author 

10 Ap 



COMMITTEE ON AWARDS. 
Prof. Edward Archibald Allen, Lit. D., State University, Columbia. 
Hon. Curtis Burnam Rollins, Columbia. 
Hon. Walter Williams, Columbia. 



UNIVERSITY OF THE STATE OF MISSOURI. 

Columbia, Mo., January 3, 1905. 

Mr. Henry Cadle, Secretary Missouri Society Sons of the 

Revolution: 

Dear Sir: After careful examination of the essays sub- 
mitted for prizes offered by the Missouri Society Sons of the Rev- 
olution, the committee has decided, 

That the first prize should go to "Catrl Henning." 
The second prize should go to "Seventy Six." 
The third prize should go to "Iva." 

The three essays selected for "honorable mention" are 
those signed, 

"Betsy Ross." 

"An American." 

"II Penseroso," 

The committee finds many other essays worthy of mention. 

Respectfully submitted, 

EDWARD A. ALLEN, 
CURTIS B. ROLLINS, 
WALTER WILLIAMS. 

Committee. 




CLEO HUFFAKER, 

First Prize. 

Lexing-ton Hifrli School, 

Lexing-ton. 




EARLE BOWERS, 
Second Prize. 

Central Hig-h School, 
Kansas City. 




MISS FLORENCE RUSSUM, 

Third Prize. 

Carthage High School, 

Carthage. 



WINNERS OF PRIZE MEDALS. 



THE FIRST PRIZE ESSAY, 

(GOLD MEDAL). 

"FOREIGN SYMPATHY IN THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION," 

BY CLEO HUFFAKER, 

of Lexiagton High School, Lexington, 

The sympathy given America by foreign countries was of 
vide extent, nor were the effects less extensive than the sym- 
pathy itself. It compelled George III to carry on the war in 
opposition to his people; it prevented him from readily obtaining 
troops, and at last, altogether, it supplied America with trained 
officers, who trained American troops; supplied American coffers 
with gold when her credit was but a shadow; and lastly, it 
brought the French Army and Navy to the side of the Americans. 

In England, such men as Burke, Howe, Pitt and Richmond, 
declared that the Americans were in the right. The people saw 
in the attempt of the king and his ministers to conquer America, 
the first step towards the final suppression of English liberties. 
They refused to serve in the English army; George then applied 
to Russia for troops. Although the English laid great stress on 
their aid in the war with Turkey, Catherine not only refused the 
troops, but even expressed a wish that the Americans would 
win, because "It was not consistent with the dignity of the Eng- 
lish people to employ foreign troops against her own subjects." 
The king then applied to Holland for the loan of her "Scottish 
Brigade." Now the Hollanders remembered how they had battled 
for freedom, and saw that by the American defeat, the grave 
would be dug for their liberty, so in spite of almost a century's 
alliance with England, they refused. 

There was only one other recruiting ground in Europe; this 
was Germany. For the sake of liberty, Germany had passed 
through sixty years of war and to escape persecution many of the 
Germans had fled to America, In the Seven Years' War, Frederic, 
Pitt and AX/^ashington had fought to uphold human freedom. In 
spite of this, the petty princes of Germany in defiance of the 



laws made by the diet, sold the services of their subjects to 
George. It was with heavy hearts that these people left their 
homes to fight against people with whom they sympathized. 
Frederic was so indignant that he wrote to Voltaire that the 
whole procedure was outrageous, and ordered that a tax be 
levied upon all that came through Prussia, as upon cattle export- 
ed for foreign shambles. Afterwards he refused to allow the 
troops to pass through. Such writers as Kant, Lessing, Herder, 
Goethe, Schiller and Niebuhr, the last representative of German 
intelligence, agreed with Frederic and joined together to welcome 
the United States to their place among the nations. 

There were a large number of foreigners in the American 
army. Out of the twenty-nine major-generals, eleven were 
Europeans; among the brigadier-generals, sixteen. It is not by 
numbers but by attainments that we are to estimate the services 
of these officers. Many of them had served through the Seven 
Years' \Var, which was the greatest school of military science of 
the time. Almost all of them were familiar with the rudiments 
of their profession. A few soldiers, such as formed the bulk of 
the European armies, might have little influence in forming a 
regiment of American farmers, but a single experienced officer 
could do much towards the correcting of the deficiencies of his 
colleagues. One of the greatest needs of the Americans was en- 
gineers. No native genius or rapid training could supply these, 
hence European officers were employed. Among these were 
Duportail, Launoy, Radiere and Gouvion, who brought what was 
most needed, science combined with practical skill. Others who 
served in this capacity were DeKalb, Armond de la Rouerie, 
Pidaski and last and probably the greatest, Kosciuszko, 

However, the greatest of all foreigners who gave their ser- 
vices to America were Lafayette and Steuben. The latter, the 
son of a soldier and raised in the camps, had been one of Fred- 
eric's favorite officers. From him Steuben learned the principles 
of w^arfare, which had given Frederic his great success. "When 
St. Germain interested him in the cause of the Americans, al" 
though the Commissioners could not advance the passage money, 
he came to America. Steuben found the Americans in winter- 
quarters at Valley Forge. Although he had spent his life among 
military hardships, he had never seen such suffering, but still he 
held his purpose. 



The American Army was, at this time, very defective in or- 
ganization. These defects extended from the drill of the common 
soldiers to the administration of the Quartermaster-general's de- 
partment. Each officer had a system of training of his own, thus 
destroying all uniformity. In the inspection system defects 
equally as great, caused every year the loss of five thousand stand 
of arms. The system of returns kept hundreds of men on the 
pay roll after they had been discharged, and all officers were kept 
in ignorance of the number and condition of their men. To sup- 
ply these deficiencies, to introduce uniform system of manoeuvre, 
inspection and returns, to infuse harmony into the army, to in- 
spire the officers with self-confidence and the men with confi- 
dence in their officers, was Steuben's task. 

He began first with a company of one hundred and twenty 
men. These he made the nucleus of a splendidly trained army. 
So thorough was this training that at Monmouth a division was 
observed to halt and form, under a heavy fire, as coolly as if on 
parade. In all other departments the same results attended his 
efforts. Returns were made according to forms, with close atten- 
tion to accurateness. By glancing at the foot of a column, the 
officer could tell how many men were on duty; how many were 
sick or disabled; how many of each state -were enlisted, and how 
many would leave him at the end of the war. Before this, five 
thousand muskets had been lost every year, and the war office 
had regularly made an allowance for this, but under Steuben's 
system only three were missing and they were accounted for. He 
brought to America what he only could have brought, a thorough 
knowledge of military tactics. AJCithout his help it is difficult to 
see how two more campaigns could have been carried out. 

Lafayette early learned the profession of an officer. Before 
he came to America he had risen to the rank of lieutenant. When 
he heard of the American War, he at once desired to aid the colo- 
nists. Escaping the officers who were sent to detain him, he 
equipped a ship at his own expense and set sail for America. "When 
he arrived, he at once began to learn what he needed. In ele- 
mentary tactics, he was better grounded than were most of his 
associates, but in higher science he had as much to learn as they. 

Lafayette fell into this new mode of life as readily as if he 
had been trained to it. His wealth enabled him to perform many 
benevolences which attached the people to him. Of the opinions 



the colonists had brought from England, none were preserved 
more carefully than their prejudices against France. The Ameri- 
can statesmen knew that in their struggle with the strongest 
power of Europe, France was their ally. They needed Fi-ench 
arms; they needed French money; they might need French ships 
and soldiers. The first appearance of military adventurers from 
France was hailed as a happy omen, but the thought of what they 
might need from France, added to the embarrassment of Congress, 
when these adventurers became so numerous they had to 
refuse their services. But the prejudice was plainly visible in 
such men as John Adams and John Jay. What then was to be 
expected if the French navy and army should come to fight by 
the side of the Americans? 

To smooth over these difficulties, to overcome these preju- 
dices and to convert jealousy into honorable friendship, was the 
first service Lafayette rendered to his adopted country. His rank 
allowed him to assume a tone with his dissatisfied countrymen 
that sometimes checked their arrogance and often set bounds to 
their pretensions. The French alliance might have been attained 
without Lafayette, but the harmony which made it useful was 
owing to the hold he had taken on the confidence of the Amer- 
ican people. "Without him^ the alliance might have come too late. 
The popular enthusiasm he raised in France, convinced England 
that he did nothing without the sanction of the French court. 
Thus the French government found itself strengthened at home 
and abroad for an open declaration. Lafayette's hand is almost 
as visible in the treaty of alliance as is Franklin's. 

Though he did nothing more as a general than any other man 
might have done, his pure purpose, his noble aims, his intelligent 
zeal and fervid enthusiasm has given him a place in American 
history, which belongs to him alone. 

In France the philosophers controlled the public opinion as 
they never had before in any age or country. Such men as Vol- 
taire, Rosseau, Montesquieu and Furgot saw in the preservation 
of English liberties, the hope of the world. Nor did the French 
take any interest in the English king or the supremacy of Par- 
liament, hence the sympathies of all, the king excepted, were for 
America. 

As yet Vergennes, the minister of foreign affairs, who had 
been waiting for a favorable opportunity to take part in the 



struggle, had contented himself with secret aid. For more than 
a year he had been in intrigue with Arthur Lee, the London 
agent for Virginia, and just before the Declaration of Independ- 
ence he sent over a million dollars to help the Americans. 

In October, Franklin was sent to France. To many he 
seemed to sum up within himself the American cause. Symboliz- 
ing as it were the liberty France was desiring, he was greeted 
with an enthusiasm such as no Frenchman had ever called forth, 
with the exception of Voltaire. France then agreed to furnish 
two million livres a year to aid the Americans. She immediately 
sent three ship loads of military stores, two of which arrived 
safely. The American privateers were allowed to fit out in 
French ports, and even to dispose of their prizes at the same 
places. Besides this, France advanced a million livres on some 
tobacco the commissioners were to furnish. In all, France was 
instrumental in procuring for the colonies, eighteen million livres 
as a loan, and a gift of nine million. 

Never was anything so needed as specie at this time. The 
paper money of the colonies had been before this time almost 
worthless. Now it at once rose in value, and the credit of the 
colonies revived. 

The French alliance also brought a well trained and well 
equipped army to fight by the side of the Americans. Before 
this the American army had been oppressed by the lack of men; 
now the addition of several thousand French regulars was a 
very important factor. The American navy consisted of only 
privateers, and the addition of a large French fleet enabled the 
Americans to cope with the English fleets on something of an 
equal footing. 

Without foreign aid it is difficult to see how the Americans 
could have won. Mere bravery and determination might for a 
while have won, but lack of skill, training and technical science 
would at last have told. Bancroft refers to the aid of the French 
forces as "Priceless." What then must be the value of the aid 
that brought the Americans what they lacked and of themselves 
could not supply? 

CARL HENNING. 



10 



THE SECOND PRIZE ESSAY. 

(SILVER MEDAL). 

"FOREIGN SYMPATHY IN THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION," 

BY EARLE BOWERS, 

of Central High School, Kansas City, 

"If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a for- 
eign troop w^ere landed on my shores, I would never lay down 
my arms! Never! Never! Never!" When William Pitt thus 
ended his last appeal to the House of Lords, his memorable 
words were unheeded. The petty statesmen of the hour rightly 
believed that America could not obtain by armed resistance the 
justice for which the Great Commoner was pleading. They could 
not foresee that the righteousness of the cause of the colonists 
would enlist the sympathy of aliens and foreigners till with their 
aid, independence was finally achieved. It is not strange that 
men only influenced by selfish or partisan motives should have 
failed to see anything attractive in the service of America, 

Seldom in the history of nations, has a people's cause offered 
less to tempt the cupidity of mere adventurers. Stretched along 
the coast of the Atlantic, thinly populated, unaccustomed to con- 
certed action, with nearly all their natural resources undiscov- 
ered or undeveloped, the colonies seemed ill prepared to defy 
the power of England, The government against w^hich they rose 
in rebellion had restricted their commerce and rigorously sup- 
pressed their manufactures, thus seriously interfering with im- 
portant sources of wealth. When the Continental Congress 
could not provide food, clothing, arms or ammunition for the 
American soldiers, it obviously was in no position to bargain for 
foreign assistance. Those who came from abroad, must volun- 
teer with no expectation of personal gain, trusting that future 
generations of Americans would honor their motives and not 
forget their deeds. To describe the influence of foreign sympa- 
thy in the revolution, is to tell of the participation of foreigners 



11 

in that momentous struggle. There were those who came with 
the vain expectation of bettering their personal fortunes. Such 
was the character of the conspirators concerned in the Conway 
Cabal, The baseness of a few, however, could not cast a shadow 
on the faithful service of the numerous foreign heroes who did 
so much to gain American Independence. 

In many instances, these aliens were attracted by the prin- 
ciples that the people of America were fighting to establish. The 
truths enunciated in the stirring periods of the Declaration of In- 
dependence were not new to them; the thoughts expressed were 
their own, clothed in the language of the sages of the earth, A 
part of this foreign contingent came from Poland, where the peo- 
ple had learned the bitterness of tyranny, and suffered wrongs 
more grievous than America ever endured. Men of every age 
and manner of life were united beneath the banners of the Amer- 
ican leaders. 

France was generously represented in that gathering of foreign 
soldiers, Duponceau, Du Partail Dubryson and Duplessis were 
among those who endured the hardships of Valley Forge with the 
Continental army. We read that Colonel De Faneul enlisted "as a 
volunteer without pay or rations," Of all the French, howeveri 
Lafayette was most honored and best beloved. He first heard 
the Declaration of Independence at a dinner given in honor of 
the English king. His interest and sympathy were at once 
aroused. Heedless of the remonstrances of the French sover- 
eign, leaving wife and fortune behind, he sailed for America and 
offered his services to Congress. After that time, Lafayette was 
to be found wherever the danger was greatest or hardships were 
most severe. Long suffering Poland, too, gave of the noblest of 
her sons to insure American success. Pulaski became the com- 
mander of the cavalry, and rode to a heroic death at the head of 
his legion during the siege of Savannah. "What can you do?" 
asked Washington, when Kosciuszko came to him seeking employ- 
ment. "Try me" was the reply. The trial proved successful; the 
Polish engineer afterward planned the fortifications behind which 
the American army at Bemis' Heights, gained a glorious victory in 
one of the most important battles of modern times. None of the 
soldiers of the Revolution performed more important services 
than the Prussian veterans, who created the discipline and "esprit 
de corps" of the army. Had wealth untold been in the empty 



12 

treasury of the Confederation, it could have purchased no more 
faithful or efficient service than these officers freely gave. In the 
darkest hours our nation ever saw, when its only resource was 
the handful of freezing, starving men who shivered in their rude 
huts at Valley Forge, Baron Steuben was made Inspector of the 
Army. Almost immediately, confusion and disorder were ban- 
ished from the camp. Dismounted, musket in hand, this courtier 
and general transformed an awkward squad into trained soldiers, 
that they might become the drillmasters of the army. Thanks to 
his days of patient labor and nights of careful planning, the raw 
recruits who went into camp at the beginning of that dreadful 
winter, marched away in the spring to win renown as the disci- 
plined battalions of the Continental line. Prussian soldiers 
also demonstrated that w^hen there w^as need, they could teach 
the army how to die. "When the day was lost at Camden, De- 
Kalb rallied the few Maryland regulars who still stood firm 
around him, and led them against the enemy till eleven wounds 
drained the lifeblood from his generous heart. "W^ho of all the 
American leaders was more valiant in meeting danger or more 
patient in enduring hardships than were these foreigners, whose 
sympathy enlisted them in the battle for liberty? 

It is well that we honor our forefathers of the Revolution, 
and preserve with pride the memory of their achievements, yet 
in their own times, they were at least partially rewarded for the 
sacrifices they made and the dangers they passed through. The 
success of the war for independence not only established the 
principles for which they had been contending; it made life and 
liberty and property more safe. Henceforth, no government 
could tax them when they had no voice in regulating the propor- 
tions of taxation; no foreign power could destroy their commerce 
and manufactures by arbitrary legislation; no one could threaten 
them with transportation across the sea to stand trial for alleged 
offences. Secure in the enjoyment of these civil liberties, re- 
warded by the gratitude of the people, the citizen soldiers of the 
new Republic were not without compensation. "With the foreign- 
ers, it was not so. Whatever wealth they had was left behind 
when they came to America. Their heroic self-sacrifice had 
profited them nothing. To return to their estates in other lands 
meant subjection to the despotism of a former age. On the other 
hand, to enjoy the liberty they had sacrificed so much to gain for 



13 

others, they must begin Hfe again among the impoverished people 
of an ahen race. Should we not honor the unselfish deA'^otion, 
that no prospect of danger or misfortune could turn from its high 
purpose, even more than the sturdy independence that clamored 
for its rights? 

The individuals w^hose influence has been described, came 
from abroad in the first years of the war; even at that time, for- 
eign nations had become involved in the diplomatic situation. 
Catherine of Russia and the Dutch States general refused to fur- 
nish mercenaries for the subjection of the Colonists. The people 
of Holland could not prove false to a liberty-loving ancestry. 
They saw in the conflict in the new world, a repetition of their 
own earlier history. The Prussian government did not leave the 
world in doubt as to its position. England's hirelings w^ere re- 
fused a passage through its territory. Frederick the Great fol- 
lowed the campaigns of "Washington with eager interest. It is 
said that he considered the operations around Trenton and 
Princeton the most brilliant in military history. France wel- 
comed our minister at a later date, and "Goodman Richard" be- 
came the celebrity of the hour. French loans restored the fail- 
ing credit of the United States, when all other resources were ex- 
hausted. The forces of DeGrasse and D'Estaing gave opportune 
assistance in important military operations, while the armies of 
Washington and Rochambeau marched side by side to the cap- 
ture of the British redoubts at Yorktown. French recognition 
also gave the revolutionary government standing among the 
nations. 

"But what of the sympathy on the other side?" one ignorant 
of history might well ask, "Surely England did not want for 
friends in such a crisis?" Yet strange as it may seem, no ally 
among all the nations justified Great Britain in the attempted 
subjection of its colonies. Even the English people were not 
united in approving the policy of the government. Burke de- 
clared in the House of Commons that "We do not seem to gain a 
paltry advantage over the Americans in debate without attacking 
some of those principles or deriding some of those feelings for 
which our ancestors have shed their blood." Lord Camden ad- 
dressed his colleagues in even more emphatic words: "I end, 
my lords, as I began; you have no right to tax America! The 
natural rights of man, and the immutable laws of nature are all 



14 

with that people!" The Duke of Richmond, also speaking before 
the House of Lords, exclaimed: "l wish from the bottom of my 
heart, that the Americans may resist, and get the better of the 
forces sent against them!" Statesmen were not alone in the ex- 
pression of such sentiments. Many of the great body of the peo- 
ple clamored against continuing the war when they became more 
familiar with conditions in America. No truer sympathy for the rev- 
olutionary cause existed than that to be found among those sub- 
jects of the British crown. The attitude of the people was such 
that many transactions connected with the hiring of Hessian mer- 
cenaries were kept secret by government officials, to avoid the 
storm of protests that usually followed when similar dealings 
were reported to Parliament. The service of the Hessians in the 
Revolution brought nothing but misfortune to their employers; 
but it taught the world that mercenaries are dear at any price. 
Knowing the character of England's hirelings, the contrast in- 
spires in us a deeper admiration for the sympathy and generous 
self-sacrifice of the foreigners who came without the expectation 
of reward, to fight the battles of America. 

Without assistance, the Colonists could not have gained their 
independence. Foreign sympathy and aid turned the fortunes of 
war in their favor, and insured their final victory. Looking back 
today at the eff"ect of the American Revolution upon the great na- 
tions of the world, we can see that all men are indebted to the 
aliens who saved the cause of liberty from defeat. 

The influence of the foreigners of the Revolution was not 
confined to any time or place. In future ages, their names shall 
be synonyms for the true nobility of human nature. He whose 
soul scorns the baseness of the rabble around him, will read the 
story of their lives, and gain new courage for his work. Unto the 
final hour of its existence, the Nation that they brought forth from 
the "valley of the shadow" shall hold their memory sacred. Their 
blood was the most precious sacrifice ever off"ered on the altars of 
Liberty. SEVENTY-SIX. 



15 



THE THIRD PRIZE ESSAY, 

(BRONZE MEDAL), 

"FOREIGN SYMPATHY IN THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION," 
BY MISS FLORENCE RUSSUM, 

of Carthage High School, Carthage^ 

With Nations, as with men, sympathy is most appreciated 
when given in the hour of greatest need. Assurance of kindly 
feeling is received with grateful hearts, and the memory of it re- 
mains long treasured in the mind. Thus the American people 
ever cherish the memory of the services and expressions of in- 
terest in our cause tendered by many nations at the time of the 
Revolution, and, as a nation, we have often expressed our appre- 
ciation in marble. 

In the eyes of the world of. 1776, we were thirteen rebellious 
colonies, far from other nations, united only in our struggle to 
obtain our just rights from Great Britain, Our government was 
poorly organized, the states being bound together loosely in a 
league of friendship, and always engaged in petty quarrels among 
themselves. The chief powers were vested in a Congress, which, 
having no executive power, was unable to accomplish anything. 
The finances were in a terrible condition. There was no money 
in the national treasury, and scarcely any coin in circulation. The 
little we had was nearly all foreign money, much of it Spanish, 
received in trade with the West Indies. We had no credit 
abroad; neither man nor nations were willing to risk their money 
by lending it to colonists rebelling against one of the greatest 
powers of the world. We had no navy; our only ships were 
trading vessels owned by individuals or companies. There were 
no trained troops to meet the regiment of Redcoats. 

Altogether we were too inexperienced and too poorly or- 
ganized to hope for much aid from foreign nations. Who would 
expect any power to respect our government or our cause, under 
these conditions? Why should any persons or nations risk their 



16 

money by lending it to us? Who would want to incur the enmity" 
of England, by aiding her rebellious colonies? But in spite of 
these overwhelming odds against us, we had many staunch 
friends in many countries. 

The minds of all men were directed along the same lines. 
They were reaching out in search of greater civil and religious 
liberties and better, higher forms of government. The American 
Revolution came in the midst of the Age of Revolution. There 
had been already two revolutions in England in which the people 
had won that which they demanded. Holland had succeeded in 
winning freedom from a despotic government. Poland had re- 
volted and tried to throw off the power of those nations, which 
were dismembering her. She was then preparing for a final 
struggle. The Irish at the same time were demanding more lib- 
erty from the English government, and the mutterings of the ter- 
rible French revolution could be heard. So the people of all these 
nations would naturally have kindly feelings for us, and would 
wish us success in breaking away from a despotic government. 

At first thought one would think that we would not be kindly 
thought of in a country from ■v/hich we were trying to free our- 
selves, but in England we had many friends. Some of these were 
men who had friends and relatives in the colonies, and knowing 
both sides of the question, sympathized with us. Others, from a 
disinterested standpoint, wished us to succeed because they 
thought our cause just and right. Merchants and tradesmen 
probably understood the difficulties of adjusting the two govern- 
ments better than others, and they knew it would be better for 
both countries for America to win her independence. Then 
there were statesmen and prominent men in the English gov- 
ernment who were interested in our cause for political reasons. 
They had studied the question closely and realized the justice of 
our claims. They understood that our demands were the same 
as those of the English people in 1642 and 1688. They had read 
the petitions and state papers addressed to the King and Parlia- 
ment, and were surprised and delighted at the address and 
knowledge of state affairs of the men who wrote them. 

Such men who took our part were Burke, Fox and Pitt. They 
wrote treatises about our cause and pleaded it eloquently before 
Parliament. They tried to persuade that body to change the 
course it was pursuing and to adopt a more lenient one. Burke, 



17 

besides making several vigorous appeals for us, wrote his "Con- 
ciliation.'' Charles Fox, that great orator and inimitable debater, 
acquired the hatred of King George by supporting our cause. Sir 
William Pitt showed his sympathy for us in several able speeches, 
and when he heard of the resistance of the Americans to the 
Stamp Act, rose from a sick bed, to make a further appeal. "I re- 
joice," he said, "That America has resisted." 

Because of the failures of these addresses and our petitions, 
commissioners were sent from America to the foreign powers. 
In 1775, before the war began, Silas Deane was sent to France to 
sound the disposition of that country toward us. These men 
were sent by committees of secret correspondence, who realized 
that war w^as inevitable. They were sent as private citizens and 
were not received at many of the foreign courts. John Jay was 
sent to Spain; Francis Dana to Russia; Arthur Lee to Prussia; 
Henry Laurens to the Netherlands, and Benjamin Franklin to 
France. Laurens was captured by the British, and John Adams 
was sent to Holland in his place. Much good was expected to 
come from the efforts of our commissioners, as they were given 
power to contract commercial treaties and alliances. In 1781, a 
Department of Foreign Affairs was established, which had charge 
of these matters. 

Many of the nations to whom these diplomats w^ere sent 
hated England bitterly and were glad of the opportunity to strike 
a blow at their rival, but they were afraid of the outcome of the 
rebellion. If England should be victorious they feared that she 
would punish them severelv, if they should aid us. So many of 
them decided upon neutrality as the best course. But when Eng- 
land became so aggressive on the sea and menaced the commerce 
of the great powers, they formed in a league against her, known 
as the Armed Neutrality, and later declared war. Thus they 
aided us by threatening England. Spain and France, at this time 
the best of friends and united in their hatred of England, con- 
sidered together plans of aiding the determined states. Spain 
did not enter into any allegiance with us, but made war upon 
England. She sent money, however, and gave us moral support. 

Catherine, of Russia, aided us indirectly by refusing to aid 
King George. She was interested in the progress made by the 
Americans, and bestowed a ribbon of honor upon Paul Jones for 
his brave deeds. 



18 

Frederick the Great, of Prussia, admired our courage and 
Washington's skill as a Commander. He opened a port to Amer" 
ican cruisers, and refused to allow Hessian soldiers to pass 
through his domains to the sea. He wrote to Franklin, at Paris, 
after the French treaty was signed, that he would probably soon 
follow the example of the King of France, in recognizing our in- 
dependence. Baron Von Steuben, one of the ablest generals of 
the Revolution, was a Prussian, who had been trained in Fred- 
erick's army, XX/'hen he heard of our action, his sympathies were 
at once enlisted, and he came over to help us fight. He came a 
Prussian General, and asked to serve as a volunteer, without com- 
pensation for his services. During the terrible winter at Valley 
Forge, he trained the men in military tactics, until they became 
skilled soldiers, Washington considered his services invaluable. 

In the Netherlands, Commissioner Adams met with great en- 
thusiasm for the Americans, He had the sympathy of a Republi- 
can government. The enthusiasm of the people was so great that 
they forced the State's General to recognize our independence, 
although they could not give us material aid, 

Poland had lost her cause, and many of her patriots zealously 
fought with us to support ours. The names of Kosciuszko and 
Pulaski will ever be honored by American citizens. Kosciuszko 
became interested in us at Paris, and sailed to America with the 
French fleet. He distinguished himself under Washington, and 
rose to the rank of Brigadier General, while his comrade, Pulaski, 
fell, bravely fighting at the siege of Savannah. 

The Irish patriots rejoiced when the Proclamation of Inde- 
pendence was issued. 

But the country which gave us the most material support was 
France, who espoused our cause, and fought for it as though it 
were her own. The educated people of all classes sympathized 
with us. They admired in us the courage w^hich they lacked, to 
throw off the power of a despotic government. The love of in- 
dependence is one of the strong characteristics of the French peo- 
ple, and they wanted to see us win our freedom. Even while 
maintaining a show of neutrality, they secretly opened their treas- 
ury and military stores to us. The people all desired an alliance 
with the Americans, but the King and his council diplomatically 
waited until after the surrender of Burgoyne, when he had a 
brighter prospect, before binding themselves to aid us. In 1778, 



19 

France signed two treaties with the Americans, one of commerce, 
and the other of defensive alliance. By these terms a French 
fleet was to be equipped and sent to America with troops, and 
the long empty treasury supplied. These treaties secured to us 
the support of a country which once controlled the destinies of 
Europe and was still the chief power on the continent. 

Beside the national support given us, there were many in- 
dividuals, who, fired by zeal for our cause, helped us fight against 
the tyrant. Some gave of their means and time, remaining on 
the continent, while others crossed the Atlantic and fought with 
arms, Beaumarchais became infatuated with our cause and es- 
tablished a commercial house to which we sent our natural prod- 
ucts and received in return money, arms, ammunition and other 
supplies. 

Lafayette, the most beloved of all the foreign officers, became 
interested first in our struggle at a dinner given to the brother of 
King George, of England, He plied the Duke with questions and 
before the banquet ended had decided to enlist in our ranks. 
When his intentions became known, his family and the court for- 
bade him to proceed further, but he fitted up a vessel at his own 
expense, and slipped away in disguise. He made the arrange- 
ments with Silas Deane, our representative at Paris, who procured 
for him the commission of Major General, and a lesser one for 
DeKalb, who accompanied him. A brave-hearted commander, 
beloved by Washington and all the American people, he served 
without pay throughout the war. When General Lafayette re- 
turned to France on a visit in 1779, he sought to enlist more thor- 
ough co-operation between his native country and the one he had 
adopted, and so far succeeded, that an auxiliary army of six thou- 
sand troops was raised. This army was placed under the com- 
mand of Rochambeau, a veteran soldier, who brought them across 
the Atlantic to assist in the final struggle. They fought side by 
side with the Americans slowly pushing on, until by the timely 
aid of the French fleet, freedom was won. The dark days of the 
Revolution seem brighter and our hearts glow with gratitude 
when we think of the sympathy given us by sister nations. 

IVA, 



LiBRftRV OF CONGRESS 




011 800 505 3 

OFFICERS MISSOURI SOCIETY 
Sons of the IRevolution. 

Elected February 22, 1905. 



president. 

Rt. Rev. DANIEL SYLVESTER TUTTLE, D. D., LL. D., St. Louis. 

Bishop of Missouri. 

DicespreslDent. 

Major Genbral JOHN COALTER BATES, U. S. A., St. Louis. 

Second IDicespresiDent. 

GEORGE AMOS NEWCOMB, St. Louis. 

CbirD lDice*prc0iDent. 

Colonel JAMES HAMILTON McCORD, N. G. M., St. Joseph. 

jFourtb Dice*predfJ)cnt. 

Hon. henry LONG McCUNE, Kansas City. 

Secretary. 

HENRY CADLE, Bethany. 

Bssistant Sccretarij. 

EWING McGREADY SLOAN, St. Louis. 

IRegistrar. 

EDMUND SPRAGUE BIGELOW, Kansas City. 

treasurer. 

CHARLES Mcintosh CUTHBERT, St. Louis. 

Cbaplaln. 

Rev. clarence WALWORTH BACKUS, D. D., Kansas City, Kansas. 

Ibistorfan. 

Prof. EDWARD MARTIN SHEPARD. Sc. D., Spring-field. 

/Bbarsbal. 

EDWARD riSHER JACKSON, St. Louis. 

aSoarO ot iflRanaflcrs. 

Rt. Rev. DANIEL S. TUTTLE, D. D., Maj. Gen. JOHN C. BATES, U. S. A, 

HENRY CADLE, CHARLES McINTOSH CUTHBERT, 

GEORGE TURNER PARKER, HOBART BRINSMADE, 

JAMES WILLIAM ALLISON, ROBERT MORRIS HUBBARD, 

LEE WILEY GRANT, FRANKLIN HUNTINGTON SMITH, 

ROBERT Mcculloch, william henry gregg, jr. 

HORATIO LOOMIS HARMON, Dr. WILLIAM DAVIS FOSTER, 

LEWIS MOTTER SMITH, ROSCOE MORROW BACHELLER. 

Deleflates to ©encral Society. 

Hon. ETHAN ALLEN HITCHCOCK, THOMAS KEITH SKINKER, 

Capt. JOHN R. M. TAYLOR, U. S. A. Hon. PLEASANT THOMAS CHAPMAN, 

LAURENCE LEMPRIERE PRINCE. 

Bltcrnatcs. 

GEORGE HAGAR MORGAN, ADIEL SHERWOOD DODGE, 

Hon. IRA BARNES HYDE, JAMES THOMAS SANDS, 

WILLIAM AVERY MINER. 



